Casey Symposium On Asia Illuminates High Stakes In Debate On Renewal Of M.F.N. For China

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(Washington, D.C.) On the eve of an
historic vote in the House of
Representatives on President Clinton’s
proposed renewal of Most Favored Nation
(MFN) status for China, the William J.
Casey Institute of the Center for
Security Policy today released a summary
of its highly relevant Casey Symposium,
held at the ANA Hotel in Washington on 9
June 1997.

This half-day-long Symposium drew more
than 120 former and present government
officials, businessmen, diplomats and
public policy analysts. It featured
important interventions by, among others,
three Lead Discussants — Richard
Bernstein
, a veteran
correspondent and co-author of the
critically acclaimed new book, The
Coming Conflict with China
; Senator
Jon Kyl
(R-AZ), a member of the
Senate Intelligence, Judiciary and Energy
and Natural Resources Committees; Ambassador
James R. Lilley
, former
Assistant Secretary of Defense for
International Security Affairs and U.S.
Ambassador to the People’s Republic of
China and to South Korea — and the first
occupant of the Institute’s William J.
Casey Chair, Roger W. Robinson,
Jr.
, a former Vice President at
Chase Manhattan Bank and Senior Director
for International Economic Affairs at the
Reagan National Security Council.
Participants also heard from luncheon
speaker Senator Thad Cochran
(R-MS), a member of the Senate
Appropriations Committee and chairman of
the influential Government Affairs
Subcommittee on International Security,
Proliferation and Federal Services.

Highlights of the discussion detailed
in the six-page summary released today
include the observations that:

  • The senior military and
    civilian leadership of the
    People’s Republic of China
    believe that China is engaged in
    a protracted confrontation with
    the United States.
  • The PRC is pursuing a
    multifaceted strategy aimed at
    strengthening its position
    relative to and at the expense of
    the United States
    . Among
    the manifestations of this
    strategy’s implementation are:
    China’s vast strategic and
    conventional force modernization
    programs; espionage, technology
    theft and influence operations in
    the U.S.; global proliferation of
    weapons of mass destruction,
    ballistic missiles and other
    ordinance; predatory trade
    practices; and penetration of the
    American and international
    securities markets.
  • The magnitude of the latter
    problem has, in the days since
    the Symposium, been put into
    still sharper relief. Last week China
    issued its first Eurobond
    offering denominated in
    Deutschmarks in a decade
    .
    The transaction of DM 500 million
    is expected to generate some $290
    million dollars. According to the
    18 June 1997 Asia Times,
    “China will not only be able
    to tap into Europe’s deepest
    investor base, but also will
    attract other continental
    investors for whom the currency
    risk is minimized by the
    possibility of European monetary
    union.” Regrettably, there
    currently exists no
    security-minded screening
    mechanism in the U.S. or
    Europe
    to differentiate
    between legitimate Chinese
    borrowers and those connected to
    the People’s Liberation Army and
    the Chinese intelligence
    services.
  • For its part, the United
    States is not thinking
    strategically about how to deal
    with the challenge posed by a
    China pursuing such a zero-sum
    agenda
    . To the contrary,
    the Clinton Administration has
    adopted, for example, technology
    decontrol policies that are
    significantly contributing to
    Chinese efforts to enhance the
    power of its military and the
    competitiveness of its industrial
    base.
  • Other developments in the region
    may exacerbate — and will
    certainly complicate —
    Sino-American ties. These
    include: a potential melt-down in
    North Korea; China’s takeover of
    Hong Kong and threats to Taiwan;
    and Japan’s potential for
    rearming if Beijing is seen as
    ascendant, the United States in
    decline and regional instability
    increasing.

The William J. Casey
Institute of the Center for Security
Policy will be represented in Hong Kong
on the occasion of that territory’s
surrender to Beijing by Mr. Robinson and
the Center’s Director, Frank J. Gaffney,
Jr.
Click here for a copy of href=”index.jsp?section=papers&code=97-R_86at”>the full summary.

Center for Security Policy

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