GORBACHEV MUST MAKE A CLEAN BREAK WITH HIS ERSTWHILE ALLIES BEFORE HE WARRANTS WESTERN SUPPORT, AID
(Washington, D.C.): Lest the end of
the coup in the USSR — and the imminent
restoration of Mikhail Gorbachev to power
— precipitate a binge of further Western
political, economic and technological
overinvestment in the Soviet President, the
United States and its allies must adopt a
new stance. If Gorbachev is to deserve
the mantle of democratic leadership the
West is determined to accord him and if
he is to be the recipient of further aid,
he must immediately take the following
steps:
- The institutions
that perpetrated the coup (the
KGB, the military and the
Communist Party) — not
just their leaders who formed the
“Committee on the State of
Emergency” — must
bear the full consequences of
their actions.
Specifically: - The KGB must be dismantled
as a “state within a
state;” it must be
stripped of its vast
military and paramilitary
forces; its network of
millions of informers
within the Soviet Union
must be disbanded; and
its subversive operations
overseas must be
terminated. - The military
— including the troops
of the MVD or Interior
Ministry — must
be massively reduced.
This should be done with
a view to bringing them
into line with the
legitimate defense needs
of the Soviet Union,
ending the
military-industrial
complex’s
disproportionate
consumption of Soviet
resources and halting the
unwarranted but
continuing build-up
of Moscow’s strategic and
other weaponry. For
starters, defense should
be accorded no more than
four-to-five percent of
GNP (vice the 20-30% it
has obtained under
Gorbachev). - In addition, the
KGB, the armed forces and
the Interior Ministry
should be placed under
tight civilian control
and subjected to the
effective oversight and
budgetary discipline of
freely elected
parliamentary committees
as they are in genuine
constitutional
democracies. - The Communist
Party throughout the
Soviet Union must no
longer enjoy its
privileged political
position in
either the Kremlin, the
military, the workforce
or the society as large.
It must compete for power
in free, fair and
pluralistic elections on
an equal footing with
other parties. - Such elections should be
held at once for
both the office of
President of the USSR and
for the Congress of
Peoples Deputies and the
Supreme Soviet. - Those who participated in
the coup and their senior
subordinates should be replaced
immediately by individuals with
unblemished records of commitment
to urgent, wholesale democratic
and free market reform. - A new Soviet Constitution
should be swiftly drafted and put
to a popular vote — one
that provides sure guarantees of
individual rights, political
liberty and economic opportunity.
In particular, this constitution
should provide for an independent
judiciary, capable of serving as
a needed check-and-balance on the
executive and a guarantor of the
rule of law. - The Baltic States,
Georgia, Moldavia and any other
republic that wishes to secede
from the USSR should be permitted
to do so at once — and
not in accordance with the
torturous five-year process
contemplated by the present,
illegitimate Soviet constitution. - The All-Union Treaty
should be opened for
renegotiation — not
rushed to signature as Secretary
Baker has suggested. This should
be done in order not only to
clarify the full extent to which
power would actually
devolve from the center to those
republics that wish to remain
within the Soviet empire, but to
expand the scope of such
devolution. - The law that is supposed
to codify the right of free
emigration and movement within
the USSR should be modified to go
into effect immediately,
not on 1 January 1993. - Measures needed to
legitimize private property, free
enterprise, repatriation of
profits, etc. must be swiftly
enacted and the sort of
half-steps and bureaucratic
impediments to dismantling the
command economy favored
heretofore by Gorbachev dispensed
with.
The first task of such an
judiciary would be to
conduct — perhaps in
parallel with a
parliamentary inquiry —
an independent
investigation of the
possibility that
Gorbachev himself was a
participant in, as well
as the principal
beneficiary of, the
abortive coup.
The Center for Security Policy finds
itself in surprising company as it agrees
with Vladimir Posner and Dmitri Simes —
two prominent Soviets with uneven records
when it comes to their support for
radical democratic and free market reform
of the USSR — that Gorbachev’s
day has passed. His association
with the individuals and institutions
that ostensibly removed him, his past
service on their behalf and his
unwillingness to submit himself to a
popular election have discredited him. As
a result, his value to a nation in urgent
need of genuinely reformist leadership
has been undermined irreparably.
The Center believes that the
West should do nothing to help promote
Gorbachev over those whose popular
mandates and personal convictions prompt
them to pursue aggressively systemic
political and economic reform.
At the very least, he must
embrace that objective in deed
as well as word no less
wholeheartedly than have Boris Yeltsin
and his colleagues. This transformation
of Gorbachev has to occur before any
thought is given to further Western
investment in him and his continued
rule.
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