The World According to ‘W’

(Washington, D.C.): In a major policy address at the Reagan Library yesterday,
Texas Governor
and Republican presidential candidate George W. Bush laid out his vision of the security policy
challenges facing the United States in the 21^st Century — and the approaches he
would propose, if
elected, to adopt in order to address them. Taken together with a lengthy speech about
U.S.-China relations by Steve Forbes the week before, these remarks suggest that the Nation will
be
treated, at long last, to an election campaign in which foreign and defense policy are once again
accorded the prominent attention they deserve.

Excerpts of Remarks by

Governor George W. Bush

at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Simi Valley, California
19 November 1999

* * *

Two months ago, at the Citadel in South Carolina, I talked about American defense. This must be
the first focus of a president, because it is his first duty to the Constitution. Even in this time of
pride and promise, America has determined enemies, who hate our values and resent
our
success – terrorists and crime syndicates and drug cartels and unbalanced dictators. The
Empire
has passed, but evil remains.

We must protect our homeland and our allies against missiles and terror and
blackmail.

We must restore the morale of our military – squandered by shrinking
resources and
multiplying missions – with better training, better treatment and better pay.

And we must master the new technology of war – to extend our peaceful
influence, not just
across the world, but across the years.

In the defense of our nation, a president must be a clear-eyed realist. There are
limits to the
smiles and scowls of diplomacy. Armies and missiles are not stopped by stiff notes of
condemnation. They are held in check by strength and purpose and the promise of swift
punishment.

…Military power is not the final measure of might. Our realism must make a place for the
human
spirit. This spirit, in our time has caused dictators to fear and empires to fall….The most
powerful force in the world is not a weapon or a nation but a truth: that we are spiritual
beings, and that freedom is “the soul’s right to breathe.”

* * *

…The basic principles of human freedom and dignity are universal….These ideals are
equally
valid north of the 38th parallel. They are just as true in the Pearl River Delta. They remain true
90 miles from our shores, on an island prison, ruled by a revolutionary relic.

Some have tried to pose a choice between American ideals and American interests-between
who
we are and how we act. But the choice is false. America, by decision and destiny, promotes
political freedom – and gains the most when democracy advances.

* * *

Sometimes this balance takes time to achieve – and requires us to deal with nations that do not
share our values. Sometimes the defenders of freedom must show patience as well as resolution.
But that patience comes of confidence, not compromise.

* * *

America’s first temptation is withdrawal – to build a proud tower of
protectionism and
isolation….[This] is an approach that abandons our allies, and our ideals. The vacuum left by
America’s retreat would invite challenges to our power. And the result, in the long run, would be
a stagnant America and a savage world.

* * *

America’s second temptation is drift – for our nation to move from crisis to
crisis like a cork in
a current.

Unless a president sets his own priorities, his priorities will be set by others – by adversaries,
or
the crisis of the moment, live on CNN. American policy can become random and reactive –
untethered to the interests of our country.

America must be involved in the world. But that does not mean our military is the answer to
every difficult foreign policy situation – a substitute for strategy. American internationalism
should not mean action without vision, activity without priority, and missions without end – an
approach that squanders American will and drains American energy.

American foreign policy must be more than the management of crisis. It
must have a great
and guiding goal: to turn this time of American influence into generations of democratic peace.

This is accomplished by concentrating on enduring national interests. And these are my
priorities. An American president should work with our strong democratic allies in
Europe
and Asia to extend the peace. He should promote a fully democratic Western Hemisphere,
bound together by free trade. He should defend America’s interests in the Persian Gulf and
advance peace in the Middle East, based upon a secure Israel. He must check the
contagious spread of weapons of mass destruction, and the means to deliver them. He must
lead toward a world that trades in freedom. And he must pursue all these goals with focus,
patience and strength.

…To each [of these responsibilities], I bring the same approach: A distinctly American
internationalism. Idealism, without illusions. Confidence, without conceit. Realism, in the
service of American ideals.

* * *

In [Eurasia], we are guided, not by an ambition, but by a vision. A vision in which no great
power, or coalition of great powers, dominates or endangers our friends. In which America
encourages stability from a position of strength. A vision in which people and capital and
information can move freely, creating bonds of progress, ties of culture and momentum toward
democracy.

* * *

…Two of Eurasia’s greatest powers – China and Russia – are powers in transition. And it is
difficult to know their intentions when they do not know their own futures. If they
become
America’s friends, that friendship will steady the world. But if not, the peace we seek may
not be found.

One year, [China] is said to be run by “the butchers of Beijing.” A few years later, the same
administration pronounces it a “strategic partner.” We must see China clearly — not through the
filters of posturing and partisanship. China is rising, and that is
inevitable….The conduct of
China’s government can be alarming abroad, and appalling at home. Beijing has been investing
its growing wealth in strategic nuclear weapons… new ballistic missilesa blue-water navy and
a long-range air force. It is an espionage threat to our country. Meanwhile, the State Department
has reported that “all public dissent against the party and government [has been] effectively
silenced” – a tragic achievement in a nation of 1.2 billion people. China’s government is an
enemy of religious freedom and a sponsor of forced abortion – policies without reason and
without mercy.

All of these facts must be squarely faced. China is a competitor, not a strategic
partner. We
must deal with China without ill-will – but without illusions.

* * *

We must show American power and purpose in strong support for our Asian friends and allies –
for democratic South Korea across the Yellow Sea… for democratic Japan and the Philippines
across the China seas … for democratic Australia and Thailand. This means keeping our pledge
to deter aggression against the Republic of Korea, and strengthening security ties with Japan.
This means expanding theater missile defenses among our allies.

And this means honoring our promises to the people of Taiwan. We do not deny there is one
China. But we deny the right of Beijing to impose their rule on a free people. As I’ve said before,
we will help Taiwan to defend itself.

The greatest threats to peace come when democratic forces are weak and disunited. Right
now,
America has many important bilateral alliances in Asia. We should work toward a day when the
fellowship of free Pacific nations is as strong and united as our Atlantic Partnership. If I am
president, China will find itself respected as a great power, but in a region of strong
democratic alliances. It will be unthreatened, but not unchecked.

…China’s entry into the World Trade Organization is welcome, and this should open
the door
for Taiwan as well. But given China’s poor record in honoring agreements, it will take a
strong
administration to hold them to their word.

* * *

In the breadth of its land, the talent and courage of its people, the wealth of its resources, and
the
reach of its weapons, Russia is a great power, and must always be treated as
such. Few
people have suffered more in this century. And though we trust the worst is behind them,
their
troubles are not over. This past decade, for Russia, has been an epic of
deliverance and
disappointment.
* * *
We will…need missile defense systems – both theater and national. If I am
commander-in-chief, we will develop and deploy them….

In the hard work of halting proliferation, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty is not
the
answer….Far more important is to constrict the supply of nuclear materials and the
means to
deliver them – by making this a priority with Russia and China. Our nation must cut off the
demand for nuclear weapons – by addressing the security concerns of those who renounce these
weapons. And our nation must diminish the evil attraction of these weapons for rogue states – by
rendering them useless with missile defense.

The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty does nothing to gain these goals. It
does not stop
proliferation, especially to renegade regimes. It is not verifiable. It is not enforceable. And it
would stop us from ensuring the safety and reliability of our nation’s deterrent, should the need
arise. On these crucial matters, it offers only words and false hopes and high intentions – with no
guarantees whatever. We can fight the spread of nuclear weapons, but we cannot wish them away
with unwise treaties.

Dealing with Russia on essential issues will be far easier if we are dealing with a
democratic
and free Russia. Our goal is to promote, not only the appearance of democracy in
Russia, but
the structures, spirit, and reality of democracy. This is clearly not done by focusing our aid and
attention on a corrupt and favored elite. Real change in Russia – as in China – will come
not
from above, but from below. From a rising class of entrepreneurs and business people.
From
new leaders in Russia’s regions who will build a new Russian state, where power is shared, not
controlled. Our assistance, investments and loans should go directly to the Russian people, not to
enrich the bank accounts of corrupt officials.
* * *
Even as we support Russian reform, we cannot excuse Russian brutality. When the Russian
government attacks civilians – killing women and children, leaving orphans and refugees – it can
no longer expect aid from international lending institutions….Just as we do not want Russia to
descend into cruelty, we do not want it to return to imperialism. Russia does have interests with
its newly independent neighbors. But those interests must be expressed in commerce and
diplomacy – not coercion and domination. A return to Russian imperialism would endanger both
Russian democracy and the states on Russia’s borders. The United States should actively support
the nations of the Baltics, the Caucasus and Central Asia, along with Ukraine, by promoting
regional peace and economic development, and opening links to the wider world.

Often overlooked in our strategic calculations is that great land that rests at the south of
Eurasia.
This coming century will see democratic India’s arrival as a force in the world….India is now
debating its future and its strategic path, and the United States must pay it more attention. We
should establish more trade and investment with India as it opens to the world. And we should
work with the Indian government, ensuring it is a force for stability and security in Asia. This
should not undermine our longstanding relationship with Pakistan, which remains crucial to the
peace of the region.

All our goals in Eurasia will depend on America strengthening the alliances that
sustain
our influence – in Europe and East Asia and the Middle East.

Alliances are not just for crises — summoned into action when the fire bell sounds.
They are
sustained by contact and trust. The Gulf War coalition, for example, was raised on the
foundation of a president’s vision and effort and integrity. Never again should an
American
president spend nine days in China, and not even bother to stop in Tokyo or Seoul or
Manila. Never again should an American president fall silent when China criticizes our
security ties with Japan….The support of friends allows America to reserve its power
and will
for the vital interests we share.

Likewise, international organizations can serve the cause of peace. I will never place U.S.
troops
under U.N. command – but the U.N. can help in weapons inspections, peacekeeping and
humanitarian efforts. If I am president, America will pay its dues – but only if the
U.N.’s
bureaucracy is reformed, and our disproportionate share of its costs is reduced.

There must also be reform of international financial institutions – the
World Bank and the
IMF. They can be a source of stability in economic crisis. But they should not impose austerity,
bailing out bankers while impoverishing a middle class. They should not prop up failed and
corrupt financial systems. These organizations should encourage the basics of economic growth
and free markets. Spreading the rule of law and wise budget practices. Promoting sound banking
laws and accounting rules. Most of all, these institutions themselves must be more transparent
and accountable.