‘WELCOME TO WASHINGTON’ (PART I): TIPS FOR SURVIVING THE SOVIET AID CONFERENCE

(Washington, D.C.): The Center for
Security Policy today initiated a public
service on behalf of Western taxpayers,
deep-pocketed prospective Gulf State
benefactors and deserving would-be
foreign aid recipients by beginning a
series of Decision Briefs on the
January international conference on
assistance flows to the former Soviet
Union.

This ‘Welcome to Washington’
series will highlight what the
participants will not hear from
conference organizers in the Bush
Administration — and techniques for
discerning the true meaning and
implications of what they do
hear. It will also feature helpful
phrases and a glossary of terms likely to
be frequently employed in the course of
the conference and its closing
communique.

What Will Not Be
Emphasized

  • Where the Money Will Come
    From:
    As the former
    Soviet Union has officially
    defaulted on its debt obligations
    to both Western governments and
    commercial banks (by its
    unilateral moratorium on
    principal payments of 4
    December), the U.S. government —
    as the conference host — will
    probably try to minimize the fact
    that essentially all private
    sector trade and credit flows to
    the former USSR have been
    obliterated.
  • This means that virtually any
    future Western aid flows to be
    coordinated (read, syndicated)
    during the conference will be
    directly from the wallets of
    Western taxpayers and Gulf State
    development budgets
    .

  • The Continued Soviet
    Threat:
    In sharp
    contrast to the prominence likely
    to be accorded the threat of a
    “nuclear Yugoslavia”
    (see below), the menace posed to
    Western interests from nuclear
    arms still at on alert — and
    still aimed at U.S. and other
    targets — and from the
    continuing production of
    prodigious quantities of
    offensive arms by the Soviet
    military-industrial complex will
    probably go unaddressed if the
    organizers have their way. The
    Bush Administration will
    undertake to mute discussion of
    that fact lest the inevitable
    conclusion be reached that any
    further U.S. aid financial (at
    the very least) must be
    conditioned on the prompt
    termination of that military
    posture.
  • Whose Oxen are Going to
    be Gored:
    Similarly,
    Central and East European
    participants — to say nothing of
    the scores of other nations whose
    foreign aid equities will be
    dramatically affected should the
    conferees decide to move the
    former Soviet Union to the head
    of the developed world’s
    assistance que — are expected to
    be good sports about the
    fact that new aid flows to the
    old USSR will be coming out of
    their hide.
  • Waiver of Rigorous
    Political and Economic
    Conditionality:
    The
    organizers clearly hope to
    prevent emergency aid to the USSR
    from being strictly conditioned
    upon structural political or
    economic changes that some (for
    example, Gorbachev and his clique
    in Moscow center and their
    remaining comrades in republican
    capitals) are determined to
    resist. After all, such
    conditions would have the
    eminently desirable effect of
    preventing, or at least
    retarding, the swift
    dissemination of new aid so long
    as the institutions and
    arrangements required to make
    effective use of it are not in
    place.

What Will Be
Emphasized

  • The Famine/Humanitarian
    Gambit:
    The picture of
    imminent starvation — with all
    that might portend for social
    unrest, upheaval and violence —
    will probably feature prominently
    in the Bush Administration’s
    campaign for a new, multi-billion
    dollar infusion of aid into the
    former USSR. (See CIA Director
    Robert Gates’ congressional
    testimony of 10 December 1991.)
  • This portrait stands in stark
    contrast with a statement
    released recently by InterAction,
    an umbrella association of
    private voluntary organizations,
    published in the Journal of
    Commerce on 2 December 1991:

    “Among disaster
    relief professionals, it
    is generally acknowledged
    that the food situation
    in the Soviet Union is
    not of an emergency
    nature. Any consideration
    on the part of an
    individual agency to
    become active in the
    Soviet Union requires a
    careful look at needs in
    other parts of the world,
    especially as resources
    are limited.”

  • Imminence of Global
    Cataclysm if Aid is Insufficient:

    The corollary to the
    famine/humanitarian gambit is the
    argument that the world is poised
    on the threshold of disaster if
    Soviet aid requirements are not
    promptly satisfied. To the extent
    that Central European states are
    especially concerned about the
    possibility that waves of
    emigrants from the former Soviet
    empire will be descending upon
    their nations, expect this
    hyperbolic claim to feature
    prominently throughout the
    conference.
  • While worrisome consequences from
    a collapse of Soviet power cannot
    be precluded, they do not justify
    any further effort aimed at
    propping up Moscow center. By the
    same token, it is far from clear
    that the sort of crash aid
    programs untied to structural
    reform that are apparently now
    being contemplated by the Bush
    Administration will actually
    preclude such eventualities.

  • The Indispensability of
    this “Investment” to
    Future World Tranquility:

    The Bush Administration has
    apparently decided to embrace the
    rhetoric — and the undisciplined
    approach — of the proponents of
    the “Grand Bargain.”
    These U.S. academics and their
    Soviet collaborators, it will be
    remembered, argued before the
    August coup
    that giving tens
    of billions of dollars to
    Gorbachev’s regime was a sound
    and necessary investment. At the
    time, the Administration declined
    to do so, ostensibly on the
    grounds that it could not justify
    such an expenditure of taxpayer
    resources on an unreformed Soviet
    Union.
  • It would appear, however, that
    the Administration now
    contemplates an aid program
    scarcely less ambitious — and no
    more contingent than was the
    earlier plan on specific,
    monitorable steps being taken by
    individual republics in the areas
    of democratic and free market
    institution-building.

  • “Cheap at Twice the
    Price”:
    Conferees
    will doubtless be told ad
    nauseam
    that there should be
    no quibbling over the price
    demanded of them in aid for the
    former USSR; whatever the cost,
    it’s worth it. This argument
    should be viewed with special
    skepticism in view of the real
    uncertainty whether the sort of
    undisciplined assistance
    evidently being contemplated will
    actually produce measurable
    results and justify the domestic
    and other foreign shortfalls
    which will result.
  • “Trust Us” on
    Soviet Threat Reduction:

    As noted above, the fearmongering
    about a nuclear Yugoslavia will
    probably be accompanied,
    ironically, by U.S. assurances
    that the residual Soviet military
    threat is judged to be
    “under control.” The
    United States seemingly is
    prepared to assert that
    meaningful and long-overdue
    changes in the magnitude of this
    threat can await the beneficial
    effects of aid infusions.
  • Defining Soviet Aid as a
    Defense Budget Line Item:

    The new-found enthusiasm of the
    Bush Administration — most
    recently manifested by Secretary
    of State James Baker in his
    Princeton University address
    yesterday — for diverting U.S.
    defense dollars into Soviet
    assistance programs will almost
    certainly be much in evidence at
    the Washington conference. Other
    democratic states facing intense
    pressure to cut defense spending
    would be well advised to resist
    this siren’s song.
  • Unless a more disciplined aid
    strategy is adopted than appears
    likely at the moment, they like
    the United States could wind up
    with the worst of both worlds:
    inadequate defenses and precious
    funds squandered indiscriminately
    in the Soviet black hole.

A Glossary of Terms Used by
the Bush Administration

The
Soviet Union and the Republics
=
A term used to describe a non-entity;
this euphemism reflects an acute case of cognitive
dissonance
— an inability to
disengage from the profound emotional
attachment to Mikhail Gorbachev and the
forces of Soviet totalitarianism with
which he was associated; also symptomatic
of the determination to deny Western
recognition to the Commonwealth of
Independent States or the sovereignty of
its member nations.

Famine = Inadequate
quantities of meat in the diets of most
citizens of the former Soviet empire,
leaner livestock and widespread
shortages. (Not, of course, to be
confused with the starvation deaths of
millions — a fate reliably forecast for
the people of Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia
and Mozambique during the next year.)

Humanitarian Aid =
Catch-all term used to justify anything
from accelerated decontrol of militarily
relevant high technology to massive
energy-related assistance at taxpayer
expense to waiving conditionality
requiring the immediate dismantling of
the Soviet military-industrial complex.
(Not to be confused with the disciplined
and transparent targeting of Western food
and medical supplies to the truly needy
at republic and local levels.)

Loans or Credits =
Taxpayer grants. (Not to be confused with
the traditional definition of a
“loan” made to a creditworthy
sovereign borrower, i.e., a financial
obligation with a reasonable assurance of
full repayment of principal and
interest.)

A Nuclear Yugoslavia
=
The newest addition to the
fearmongering lexicon of G-7 allies; used
to justify a policy of providing generous
aid to the former Soviet Union in the
absence of rigorous conditions and
transparency on the grounds that doing so
is necessary in order to avoid provoking
the restive military or to stimulate
ethnic strife among nuclear-armed
republics. (Ironically, Yugoslavia
represents a glaring policy failure for
the G-7, borne of Western tolerance for
unbridled Serbian aggression against
democratically minded Croatia and
Slovenia.)

A Coordinating Conference
=
A thinly disguised effort to
allay the legitimate concerns of
prospective conference participants that
“new money” in multibillion
dollar increments will be solicited by
the G-7 for the former USSR in a
heavy-handed “pledging
session.” In fact, such an
arm-twisting — indeed, arm-breaking
— session is precisely what the
prospective contributors among the
participants will be walking into.

Center for Security Policy

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