CENTER SYMPOSIUM EXAMINES FALSE PROMISES, COSTLY IMPLICATIONS OF THE CHEMICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION
(Washington, D.C.): As the Senate
prepares to debate the advisability of
providing its advice and consent to U.S.
ratification of the Chemical Weapons
Convention (CWC), the Center for Security
Policy released a summary of its 15 July
half-day symposium on this treaty.
Specifically, the symposium was designed
to assist representatives from the many
industries likely to be affected by the
treaty in understanding its inadequacies
from a national security perspective —
and its significant costs and other
burdensome implications.
The diverse group of presenters and
attendees — including senior members of
the chemical and defense industry
communities, scientists and policy
analysts — agreed that the global
elimination of chemical weapons was a
desirable goal. But the general sentiment
of the participants appeared to confirm
the Center’s longstanding belief that the
Chemical Weapons Convention will not
appreciably advance this goal; to the
contrary, it may actually create greater
dangers of chemical attack against
law-abiding nations like the United
States.
This conclusion resulted from the
following findings:
- The CWC does not live up
to its billing as a global,
comprehensive and verifiable ban
on chemical weaponry.
The CWC will become binding on
the United States even if rogue
states like North Korea,
Syria, Libya, Serbia and
— most alarmingly in light of
its periodic use of chemical
weapons — Iraq
are not party to it. - The treaty does not
actually prohibit all chemical
arms or the means of producing
them. For example, two
chemical agents which were used
with lethal effect in World War
I, chlorine and hydrogen cyanide,
are not banned. Moreover, since
virtually any industrial facility
designed to manufacture or use
chemical agents is inherently
capable of producing lethal
chemical agents, the treaty
only bans declared
chemical weapons production. To
date, out of some 25 countries
believed to have chemical weapons
programs, only the United States
and Russia have identified
production facilities; all of the
declared U.S. facilities are out
of business. - And, despite the large numbers of
international and U.S.
bureaucrats who will be involved
in the implementation of the CWC
and notwithstanding its onerous
reporting and inspection
requirements, any
government that wishes to can
pursue covert production and
stockpiling of chemical weapons
with confidence that it will
neither get caught nor be
punished for doing so.
In light of these findings, the
consensus of the symposium appeared to be
that it would be irresponsible to impose
the considerable costs and other, onerous
burdens associated with the Chemical
Weapons Convention — particularly upon
private American companies, many of
whom have no idea that they are going to
be affected by this accord’s inspection,
reporting and monitoring requirements.
In fact, the direct and
indirect costs — to the chemical,
pharmaceutical and other industries
(notably, those involved in the
manufacture of shampoos, soaps,
cosmetics, fertilizers and pesticides) —
will be staggering. Estimates of
inspection and data reporting costs run
as high as $500 million annually.
A seven-page summary of the Center’s
symposium concludes with the
strong recommendation to the Senate that
it examine with care the defects and
implications of the Chemical Weapons
Convention. Such an examination, at a
minimum, is required if Senators are to
be prepared to deal with the political
repercussions that may result as a large
number of American employers and
their employees demand explanations
concerning — if not relief from or
compensation for — a useless, but very
costly, arms control agreement.
Copies of the
href=”index.jsp?section=papers&code=94-P_82at”>summary of
the Center for Security Policy’s
symposium on the Chemical Weapons
Convention may be obtained by contacting
the Center.
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