Soviet Crackdown Watch (Part 10): Bitter Fruits of The Referendum?

(Washington, D.C.): In the aftermath
of Mikhail Gorbachev’s 17 March
referendum — a transparent effort to
justify imposing a more authoritarian
union on the peoples of the Soviet empire
— it appears that Moscow center is
prepared to embark on a new, possibly
bloody phase of repression. The
freshest evidence of the evolving
crackdown is among the most dramatic:
yesterday’s announcement by the USSR
Cabinet of Ministers that all public
demonstrations or rallies in Moscow would
be banned, effective immediately.

TASS reported that the directive
emanates from a 24 March order by
Gorbachev to “ensure public order
and safety in Moscow.” The ban is in
effect until at least 15 April,
making it illegal to hold a mass
demonstration scheduled in support of
Boris Yeltsin for Thursday — the day
hardliners in the Russian Chamber of
Peoples Deputies will try to use their
“wired” majority to topple him
from power. Similarly, it will presumably
preclude public protests likely to occur
when a 70-percent hike in the overall
Soviet price index goes into effect on 2
April.

Other noteworthy developments in the
Crackdown Watch include the following:

  • Today, former Foreign Minister Eduard
    Shevardnadze
    told the
    BBC that a military coup
    cannot be excluded if the
    military “goes out of
    control.”
    He
    cautioned that the new all-union
    treaty would not satisfy
    republican demands for
    independence.
  • Yesterday, Premier Valentin
    Pavlov made clear in a televised
    statement that the stonewalling
    of the striking coal miners’
    political demands by the Kremlin
    would continue
    and
    specifically warned against any
    inclusion of demands for changes
    in Soviet political leadership
    (read Gorbachev’s resignation) as
    a precondition to returning to
    work.
  • Gorbachev’s order yesterday
    banning demonstrations follows,
    and is of a piece with, recent
    action by the USSR Supreme Soviet
    — an organization whose
    anti-democratic coloration is
    becoming more evident daily. On
    21 March, the Supreme Soviet
    voted to block a 28 March rally
    organized by Democratic Russia to
    coincide with the opening of a
    RSFSR Congress of People’s
    Deputies special session on
    Yeltsin’s leadership. It stated
    that the rally would create
    “an explosive
    situation” and would
    “disrupt public order.”
    Speaking on behalf of this
    measure, USSR First Deputy Prime
    Minister Vitali Doguzhiev said
    the rally would “threaten
    people’s lives.” Clearly,
    Moscow center wants, under no
    circumstances, to see a repeat of
    the 500,000 person pro-Yeltsin
    demonstration which occurred in
    Moscow on the eve of the
    referendum.
  • Also on 21 March, the
    USSR Supreme Soviet voted to make
    the results of the March 17
    referendum on the future of the
    Soviet Union binding on all
    15 Union republics
    .

    Prior to the referendum, Gorbachev
    had made clear that the results
    would be non-binding.

    Reactionary Supreme Soviet
    members denounced what they
    called “violations of human
    rights by republic governments
    under slogans of national
    sovereignty and democracy”
    in the six republics that
    boycotted the referendum.
  • The recent crackdown on the
    Soviet press and resurgence of
    the old-style practice of blaming
    the United States for Soviet
    problems prompted even U.S.
    Ambassador Jack Matlock — a man
    who has studiously tried to
    prevent U.S.-Soviet relations
    from being unduly troubled by
    Kremlin repression — sharply to
    criticize Vremya, the
    main Soviet evening television
    news program. On 21 March,
    Matlock called a press conference
    to blast this widely watched news
    show which accused the AFL-CIO of
    interference in Soviet affairs by
    declaring solidarity with
    striking Soviet coal miners.
  • In an interview published in Komsomol’skaya
    Pravda
    on 20 March, KGB
    Major Aleksandr Mavrin (an expert
    on workers’ movements) disclosed
    that KGB regional offices
    were directly ordered by the
    leadership to follow closely the
    “dynamics of independent
    workers’ movements and their
    interaction with foreign trade
    unions and international
    organizations.”
  • In testimony to the House Foreign
    Affairs Committee on 20 March, Secretary
    of Defense Dick Cheney warned
    that the Gorbachev regime was
    more likely to crack down because
    of his increasing reliance on the
    KGB, the Soviet army, and the
    Communist Party bureaucracy
    .
    Gorbachev “appears ready to
    rely on the security services and
    the military and their use of
    force to maintain order,”
    Cheney said. He added that “In
    the absence of ongoing reform,
    there is no prospect for a
    permanent transformation in
    U.S.-Soviet relations.”
  • On 19 March, Diena
    reported that the USSR Finance
    Ministry has again demanded that
    Latvia pay 4.1 billion
    rubles to Moscow center — an
    amount exceeding Latvia’s total
    annual budget.
  • In another example of Gorbachev’s
    financial terrorism against
    Soviet citizens, Agence
    France Presse
    reported on 19
    March, citing Interfax,
    that a directive to
    freeze 50 percent of all savings
    held in personal and private
    commercial accounts is now being
    drafted
    . USSR Prime
    Minister Pavlov reportedly
    outlined the plan at a closed
    meeting of the USSR Supreme
    Soviet on 19 March. Such action
    follows closely on the heels of
    Gorbachev’s January decree
    confiscating an estimated
    one-third of the money in
    circulation. (See href=”index.jsp?section=papers&code=91-P_06″>Soviet
    Crackdown Watch (Part 7): Mikhail
    Gorbachev — Financial Terrorist.)
  • On 18 March, the White House
    announced that Viktor G.
    Komplektov, a veteran hard-liner,
    has been chosen by the Kremlin as
    the new ambassador to the United
    States, yet another indication of
    the retrenching taking place in
    Moscow and in the US-Soviet
    relationship. Komplektov was
    Deputy Director of the USA
    Department of the Foreign
    Ministry from 1969 to 1978 and
    Director of that department from
    1978 to 1982. He moved to his
    current post as Deputy Foreign
    Minister in 1982.
  • Col. Gen. Vladislav A.
    Achalov, the Soviet general who
    directed the January crackdown in
    the Baltics, was recently named
    the Defense Ministry’s top
    “enforcer” for civil
    unrest — further evidence of the
    growing involvement of the
    military in domestic police
    functions and sinister signal of
    the intentions of the leadership.

    In a recent report published in Moscow
    News
    , a group of retired
    military officers conducting an
    independent investigation of the
    13 January crackdown in Vilnius
    concluded that the action
    was planned, approved and
    coordinated by the central
    leadership, including
    President Mikhail Gorbachev
    ,
    well in advance
    .
    Contrary to earlier reports, it
    now appears that this was a job
    assigned to elite military and
    KGB units, namely the KGB’s
    “speznaz” detachment
    attached to its Seventh
    Administration, troops from the
    Pskov Airborne Division, and tank
    units from the Vilnius garrison
    — all under Colonel General
    Achalov’s command.

In a corresponding development, the Washington
Post
today reported continuing
disagreements between the Gorbachev
regime and all other signatories of the
Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE)
Treaty over Moscow’s effort to exempt
from the treaty’s mandated reductions
three army divisions cynically
redesignated naval infantry. What should
not be lost sight of in this controversy
is the fact that 60,000 plus pieces of
equipment have been moved by the Soviets
east of the Urals in blatant
circumvention of the treaty. Such forces
include front-line Soviet tanks, armored
personnel carriers and artillery pieces
which could substantially augment Soviet
capacities for bloody repression of
internal dissent.

Center for Security Policy

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