The Battle is Joined: Defense Department, Congressional Opposition Mounts to Fatuous Landmine Ban

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(Washington, D.C.): In recent days,
the pell-mell rush toward an unverifiable
unilateral or negotiated ban on the use
by U.S. forces of anti-personnel
landmines (APL) appears therapeutically
to have hit some “speed-bumps.”
Subsequent to an analysis by the Center
for Security Policy that was sharply
critical of this idea(1)
— primarily on the grounds that such a
ban would have no effect on the
genuine humanitarian problem caused by
the widespread and irresponsible use of
“dumb” APLs but would, instead,
result in the needless sacrifice of the
lives of American servicemen and women —
several important voices have urged
Members of Congress to reject a landmine
ban being sponsored, among others, by
Senator Patrick Leahy, Democrat of
Vermont:

  • In a 26 June 1997 letter to the
    Chairman of the Senate Armed
    Services Committee, a long-time
    and highly respected former
    member of that Committee — Secretary
    of Defense William Cohen

    — wrote that his
    “Department strongly objects
    to elements of the proposal [to
    bar new deployments of
    anti-personnel landmines] and
    urges that it be modified in
    several important areas.”
  • He added that “[Joint Chiefs
    Chairman] General [John]
    Shalikashvili has advised me that
    ‘any law that prematurely denies
    our forces the use of
    self-destructing APL will place
    our people at increased risk, be
    a serious detriment to our
    war-fighting plans, and will
    unnecessarily hazard the lives of
    our troops.'” Secretary
    Cohen went on to stipulate that in
    order “to avoid unnecessary
    risk to our troops, the
    definition of APL must be
    narrowed to include only those
    systems primarily
    designed as anti-personnel
    landmines. In addition,
    self-destructing APL — which are
    the only APL munitions in the
    U.S. active inventory — must be
    excluded from the proposal’s
    restrictions until we have
    adequate alternatives.”

    (Emphasis added.)
  • Secretary Cohen’s exceptions are,
    of course, anathema to those who
    believe noblesse oblige
    arms control agreements — those
    that are long on U.S. moral
    example-setting and short on
    security benefits — must take
    precedence over concerns for the
    safety and combat effectiveness
    of American troops.
  • On 27 June 1997, the Chairman of
    the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee, Sen. Jesse
    Helms
    , wrote to each of
    his colleagues providing his own,
    detailed and thoughtful critique
    of the landmine ban initiative.
    Sen. Helms observed that:
    “People in 70 countries
    today face the peril of being
    killed or maimed by more than 100
    million land mines buried around
    the globe. But the United
    States is not
    responsible for the emplacement
    of a single one of those mines —
    not one.”
  • Like Secretary Cohen and the
    Joint Chiefs of Staff, Senator
    Helms expressed concern that:
  • Our young troops in
    the field will pay the price for
    this legislation.
    What
    Senator Leahy’s bill will do is unilaterally
    eliminate a capability critical
    to protecting our soldiers
    abroad. Senators should
    understand the law of unintended
    consequences at play here…The
    Pentagon estimates that U.S.
    casualties will increase by
    [between] 15 percent…and
    35 percent….At least
    26 other kinds of submunitions
    which are not landmines
    will be eliminated from our
    military’s inventory, including
    those used, for example, to
    destroy Saddam Hussein’s air
    bases during the Gulf War. [And]
    Senator Leahy’s legislation will
    eliminate 100 percent of the
    United States’ ‘deep anti-tank
    mining’ capability….[As a
    result,] we will lose the ability
    to delay or stop enemy armored
    forces until they are within 15
    kilometers of U.S. troops.”

  • Finally, today’s Washington
    Post
    published an op.ed.
    article written in their private
    capacities by two defense experts
    associated with the National
    Defense University — Patrick
    M. Cronin
    , deputy
    director of NDU’s Institute for
    National Strategic Studies, and
    Army Colonel Ted Sahlin,
    a senior military fellow at the
    Institute. Highlights of the
    Cronin-Sahlin essay ( href=”index.jsp?section=papers&code=97-D_94at”>a copy of
    which is attached) include
    the following points:
    • “Like terrorist
      bombs, land mines
      have been and will remain
      an inexpensive means of
      inflicting casualties
      .
      Sadly, cheap and easy
      technology (land mines
      generally cost less than
      $10 each and can be
      constructed by almost
      anyone) lends to their
      proliferation. The
      largest makers and
      exporters of
      anti-personnel land mines
      are China, Iraq, Iran and
      North Korea.”
    • “…It is
      difficult for a
      self-imposed U.S. ban to
      solve the problem if our
      mines are not its source.

      In addition, the argument
      that U.S. moral
      leadership will reduce
      the source of the problem
      can be entertained only
      with incredulity. The
      countries that are the
      largest source of the
      problem are the least
      susceptible to moral
      suasion from the
      international community.

      Non-state actors or
      military movements are
      even less sensitive.
      Less-developed countries
      and armed factions around
      the world will continue
      to resort to mines as a
      means of leveling the
      battlefield. If the
      United States
      unilaterally relinquishes
      all anti-personnel land
      mines, it will be
      exerting moral leadership
      for no substantive result
      while denying itself a
      valuable war-fighting
      capability.”
    • “At this critical
      juncture, it would be
      foolhardy to diminish any
      part of the U.S.
      deterrent and thereby
      potentially send the
      wrong message to Kim
      Jong-Il and the military
      leadership in Pyongyang.
      Likewise, the leaders of
      Iran and Iraq would view
      the U.S. elimination of
      self-destructing
      anti-personnel land mines
      from our Persian Gulf
      defense plans only as an
      opportunity to improve
      their fighting
      capability. In both
      cases, the United States
      unilaterally — would be
      assisting potential
      adversaries.”
  • What message does
    it send to our soldiers
    and Marines if their
    civilian leaders prohibit
    the use of land mines to
    stake out the moral high
    ground when they know
    that they will face
    enemies not bound by a
    similar constraint nor by
    our value system?

The Bottom Line

The Center for Security Policy hopes
that these compelling insights will
ensure that — despite the intense
pressure to do otherwise, Members of
Congress will look before they leap into
a well-intentioned but reckless
initiative that would prevent the U.S.
military from responsibly using
anti-personnel landmines.

– 30 –

1. See the
Center’s Decision Brief
entitled Hold That Line: JCS
Objections Appear Crucial To Retaining
American Right To Use Landmines To Save
U.S. Troops’ Lives
( href=”index.jsp?section=papers&code=97-D_81″>No. 97-D 81, 18
June 1997).

Center for Security Policy

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