The other character issue
By: Frank Gaffney Jr.
The Washington Times, October 15, 1996
Rumor has it Bob Dole has decided
that tomorrow night’s debate will be used
to address with some directness the host
of President Clinton’s ethical, moral and
legal liabilities that have generically
come to be known by the euphemism the
“character issue.” While he is
at it, I hope Mr. Dole will use this last
debate to explore another family of
problems — the host of potential security
policy crises arising from the
“character” of Mr. Clinton’s
leadership, one or more of which may well
confront whomever is president during the
next four years. Consider the following
illustrative list:
- National nakedness
to missile threats: The Clinton-Gore
administration has determinedly prevented
the prompt deployment of defenses against
ballistic missile attack. In the event
the present crisis on the Korean
peninsula escalates into an attack by the
North against the South, Pyongyang’s last
patron — China — may seek to deter a U.S.
response by renewing warnings of nuclear
strikes against Los Angeles (or perhaps
other U.S. cities) first issued late last
year. - A no-win situation
in Bosnia: After three years of President
Clinton’s malign neglect and feckless
diplomacy — whose principal result seems
to have been needlessly to compound the
horrific consequences of the war and to
have enabled radical Iranians to secure a
key beachhead on the continent of Europe
— the administration decided to broker
“peace agreements” in Dayton. - Russian junk
bonds: Studied Western efforts to ignore
the implications of Russia’s worsening
political and economic conditions have
been characterized by repeated financial
concessions worth many billions of
dollars to U.S. and European taxpayers.
These have taken the form of
undisciplined International Monetary Fund
loans, credit guarantees, insurance
coverage and other contingent
liabilities. Most recently, virtually at
the same moment that President Boris
Yeltsin felt compelled to issue a dire
warning about the repercussions of
continued, wholesale tax-cheating by
Russian companies (including some that
are government-owned) and private
citizens, U.S. and European credit-rating
agencies have given the Kremlin an
astoundingly high rating. - Meltdown in Cuba:
If Fidel Castro and his friends in Russia
have their way, within the next four
years, at least one of two dangerously
flawed nuclear reactors being built in
Cuba will come on-line. Defectors and
many Western experts have long warned
that, if they do so, there will
inevitably be a Chernobyl-style
catastrophe — one which might spew deadly
levels of radiation over many millions of
Americans across the southern parts of
the United States. What steps will the
next president take to ensure that
Castro’s regime is never able to pose
such a nuclear danger to this country? - Israel’s new
peril: The recent wave of violence by the
Palestinian proto-army equipped with
automatic weapons, thanks to the Oslo
peace accords, is a bitter foretaste of
what is to come. While Clinton-sponsored
diplomatic prestidigitation may postpone
the next outbreak, it will likely simply
mean that the next upheaval is still more
deadly. After all, such temporizing would
mean that the Palestinian Arab forces are
that much larger and stronger, their
freedom of action in territory
surrendered by the Israelis that much
greater, and the recognition of de facto
(if not de jure) Palestinian statehood
that much more universal. These factors
would inevitably complicate Israel’s
efforts to contain — let alone eliminate
— the source of the violence. Will the
next American president insist on
increasing this danger to Israel? Or will
he faithfully support the Jewish state as
it seeks peace with security, even if
that entails a major redirection, and
possible rupture, of the “peace
process”? - The “Islamic
Bomb”: Russian plans to transfer
nuclear technology to Iran and Chinese
actions that are already doing the same
for Pakistan are giving new impetus to
the collaborative bid these countries
(and others like Algeria) have been
making in recent years to acquire
thermonuclear weapons. The Clinton
administration has largely looked the
other way on this emerging danger. What
will the next president do to try to stop
it?
Even before North Korea obtains its
own missiles capable of attacking the
United States, the prospect of that sort
of strategic checkmate might be all the
incentive a psychopathic regime in the
midst of its death throes needs to
undertake a deadly strike against its
enemy to the south. What priority will
the next president give to precluding
this and similar dangers of nuclear
blackmail by defending America against
missile attack?
These accords were doomed, however,
to have the results now in evidence: war
criminals still at large and, to varying
degrees, still calling the shots;
fraudulent elections that have served to
legitimate the grabs for power by extreme
Muslim, Serb and Croat nationalists; and
the preparation for renewed conflict over
the permanent partition, if not the de
facto liquidation of Bosnia as soon as
the international peacekeepers depart.
This prospect, in turn, is likely to
translate into a Hobson’s choice between
a costly, open-ended commitment of many
thousands of American troops to the
region or withdrawing and unleashing the
violence deferred by the multi-billion
dollar investment that will have to be
written off. How will the next president
address such an unpalatable choice?
As a result, Russian financial
instruments that will likely give a new
meaning to the term “junk
bonds” will begin to find their way
into European — and, in due course,
American — pension and mutual funds,
insurance company and private portfolios.
The result could be to expose untold
millions of investors in the West and, in
turn, their governments to geostrategic
extortion in the event Moscow chooses to
exert it in future crises. Will the next
president act to curb such unwarranted
taxpayer exposure to the Kremlin or
exacerbate it, as has been the wont of
the Clinton-Gore team?
These are, admittedly, hard
questions. Whether we like it or not,
though, the man elected in November to
lead this country for the next four years
is going to have to answer them. We are
better off knowing now just how he
intends to do so.
Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. is the
director of the Center for Security
Policy and a columnist for the Washington
Times.
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