By: Frank Gaffney Jr.
The Washington Times, October 15, 1996

Rumor has it Bob Dole has decided
that tomorrow night’s debate will be used
to address with some directness the host
of President Clinton’s ethical, moral and
legal liabilities that have generically
come to be known by the euphemism the
“character issue.” While he is
at it, I hope Mr. Dole will use this last
debate to explore another family of
problems — the host of potential security
policy crises arising from the
“character” of Mr. Clinton’s
leadership, one or more of which may well
confront whomever is president during the
next four years. Consider the following
illustrative list:

  • National nakedness
    to missile threats: The Clinton-Gore
    administration has determinedly prevented
    the prompt deployment of defenses against
    ballistic missile attack. In the event
    the present crisis on the Korean
    peninsula escalates into an attack by the
    North against the South, Pyongyang’s last
    patron — China — may seek to deter a U.S.
    response by renewing warnings of nuclear
    strikes against Los Angeles (or perhaps
    other U.S. cities) first issued late last
    year.
  • Even before North Korea obtains its
    own missiles capable of attacking the
    United States, the prospect of that sort
    of strategic checkmate might be all the
    incentive a psychopathic regime in the
    midst of its death throes needs to
    undertake a deadly strike against its
    enemy to the south. What priority will
    the next president give to precluding
    this and similar dangers of nuclear
    blackmail by defending America against
    missile attack?

  • A no-win situation
    in Bosnia: After three years of President
    Clinton’s malign neglect and feckless
    diplomacy — whose principal result seems
    to have been needlessly to compound the
    horrific consequences of the war and to
    have enabled radical Iranians to secure a
    key beachhead on the continent of Europe
    — the administration decided to broker
    “peace agreements” in Dayton.
  • These accords were doomed, however,
    to have the results now in evidence: war
    criminals still at large and, to varying
    degrees, still calling the shots;
    fraudulent elections that have served to
    legitimate the grabs for power by extreme
    Muslim, Serb and Croat nationalists; and
    the preparation for renewed conflict over
    the permanent partition, if not the de
    facto liquidation of Bosnia as soon as
    the international peacekeepers depart.
    This prospect, in turn, is likely to
    translate into a Hobson’s choice between
    a costly, open-ended commitment of many
    thousands of American troops to the
    region or withdrawing and unleashing the
    violence deferred by the multi-billion
    dollar investment that will have to be
    written off. How will the next president
    address such an unpalatable choice?

  • Russian junk
    bonds: Studied Western efforts to ignore
    the implications of Russia’s worsening
    political and economic conditions have
    been characterized by repeated financial
    concessions worth many billions of
    dollars to U.S. and European taxpayers.
    These have taken the form of
    undisciplined International Monetary Fund
    loans, credit guarantees, insurance
    coverage and other contingent
    liabilities. Most recently, virtually at
    the same moment that President Boris
    Yeltsin felt compelled to issue a dire
    warning about the repercussions of
    continued, wholesale tax-cheating by
    Russian companies (including some that
    are government-owned) and private
    citizens, U.S. and European credit-rating
    agencies have given the Kremlin an
    astoundingly high rating.
  • As a result, Russian financial
    instruments that will likely give a new
    meaning to the term “junk
    bonds” will begin to find their way
    into European — and, in due course,
    American — pension and mutual funds,
    insurance company and private portfolios.
    The result could be to expose untold
    millions of investors in the West and, in
    turn, their governments to geostrategic
    extortion in the event Moscow chooses to
    exert it in future crises. Will the next
    president act to curb such unwarranted
    taxpayer exposure to the Kremlin or
    exacerbate it, as has been the wont of
    the Clinton-Gore team?

  • Meltdown in Cuba:
    If Fidel Castro and his friends in Russia
    have their way, within the next four
    years, at least one of two dangerously
    flawed nuclear reactors being built in
    Cuba will come on-line. Defectors and
    many Western experts have long warned
    that, if they do so, there will
    inevitably be a Chernobyl-style
    catastrophe — one which might spew deadly
    levels of radiation over many millions of
    Americans across the southern parts of
    the United States. What steps will the
    next president take to ensure that
    Castro’s regime is never able to pose
    such a nuclear danger to this country?
  • Israel’s new
    peril: The recent wave of violence by the
    Palestinian proto-army equipped with
    automatic weapons, thanks to the Oslo
    peace accords, is a bitter foretaste of
    what is to come. While Clinton-sponsored
    diplomatic prestidigitation may postpone
    the next outbreak, it will likely simply
    mean that the next upheaval is still more
    deadly. After all, such temporizing would
    mean that the Palestinian Arab forces are
    that much larger and stronger, their
    freedom of action in territory
    surrendered by the Israelis that much
    greater, and the recognition of de facto
    (if not de jure) Palestinian statehood
    that much more universal. These factors
    would inevitably complicate Israel’s
    efforts to contain — let alone eliminate
    — the source of the violence. Will the
    next American president insist on
    increasing this danger to Israel? Or will
    he faithfully support the Jewish state as
    it seeks peace with security, even if
    that entails a major redirection, and
    possible rupture, of the “peace
    process”?
  • The “Islamic
    Bomb”: Russian plans to transfer
    nuclear technology to Iran and Chinese
    actions that are already doing the same
    for Pakistan are giving new impetus to
    the collaborative bid these countries
    (and others like Algeria) have been
    making in recent years to acquire
    thermonuclear weapons. The Clinton
    administration has largely looked the
    other way on this emerging danger. What
    will the next president do to try to stop
    it?

These are, admittedly, hard
questions. Whether we like it or not,
though, the man elected in November to
lead this country for the next four years
is going to have to answer them. We are
better off knowing now just how he
intends to do so.

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. is the
director of the Center for Security
Policy and a columnist for the Washington
Times.

Center for Security Policy

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