War President

Memorandum for President George W. Bush:

The speech you will give tomorrow night about the status of and prospects for the war will likely prove to be among the most important of your presidency. In the final analysis, the American people and history will both judge the latter principally by your conduct of the former.

Indeed, you were rehired by the voters in large measure because they had more confidence in your leadership as a war president than in your opponent’s judgment and abilities. To continue to enjoy this confidence, however, the speech must not be seen as a box-checking exercise in which today’s theme will shortly be replaced, once again, by a renewed focus on domestic issues.

If you want the public to internalize and respond positively to the fact that we are engaged in a life-and-death struggle that will determine the security of our children and grandchildren, you must make the war once again a central – and visible – focus of this Administration.

Bill of Particulars

Such a focus will require, among other things, the following elements:

-You must provide an unvarnished explanation of the nature of the enemies we fight and the character of the war they have thrust upon us. At the moment, the most dangerous foes are terrorists who adhere to a political ideology some call Islamofascism. Not all Muslims are Islamofascists, but the latter hope to use their violence against non-Muslim democracies, and most especially the United States, as part of a comprehensive strategy to make both Muslims and non-Muslims alike submit to their form of religious totalitarianism. If you expect the American people to support this war, we can no longer obscure, out of a misplaced sense of political correctness, what makes our enemies tick.

-Neither can we afford to pull punches about what it is that makes these Islamofascists so dangerous: the support they receive – directly or indirectly – in their death struggle with us from various nations around the world. The latter include: Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria, Pakistan, North Korea, China, Cuba and Venezuela.

It is an uncomfortable but unavoidable reality that that some of these countries – notably, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan – are said to be our allies at the moment. In this, as in many other things, you need to level with the American people: Authoritarian governments that have little affinity for our democratic system and values are notoriously capable of both supporting us and enabling our enemies. You are right to insist that they are likely to be reliable friends only if and when they become democracies that respect and promote freedom.

-Which brings us to the nature of the war we are fighting. You must emphasize that we confront a truly global threat. While Iraq is a central front in this war, it is but one of many places in which we must defeat Islamofascists and their allies. We can take great pride in having eliminated a regime there that sponsored, armed and offered safe haven to terrorists, even as it brutally repressed its own people. Our success around the world depends in part on our now ensuring that something better emerges from the liberation of Iraq. To those who urge that we cut and run, ask: Run to where?

-In that connection, you should take on directly those who talk about how we are losing the war in Iraq. That is objectively not the case today – but it can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. The terrorists now murderously afflicting Iraqis and coalition forces are emboldened by the prominence given by Western media and politicians to their attacks on innocent civilians and others. They are only encouraged by talk of timetables for withdrawals, polls here showing declining support for the war and reports that our military is overstretched, causing a redoubling of their efforts to commit well-publicized and demoralizing assassinations, ambushes and car-bombings.

-Even more troubling is the legitimacy afforded their cause by politicians and non-governmental organizations who equate the efforts of American forces to perform dangerous, but vital, internment operations with totalitarian genocides of the past. Those who wish to engage in the legitimate exercise of democratic opposition to government policy have a responsibility to conduct themselves in ways that do not imperil our victory. It is not enough to pay lip service to supporting the troops while saying and doing things that destroy their morale and embolden those they are fighting.

-Finally, the corollary to this war being a global and protracted struggle against an ideology that is determined to destroy us is that we must be prepared to fight our foes with every appropriate instrument. That will not require in every case the use of military forces. But in some, it clearly will. And for that purpose, we must ensure we retain the numbers and quality of troops the Nation needs.

We have never before in our history tried to wage a sustained global shooting war with an all-volunteer force. There are many compelling reasons for wanting to rely on such volunteers, rather than conscripts. The American people need to understand, however, that our ability to continue to do so depends utterly on our prevailing in places like Iraq and on the willingness of young people and their families to serve the country. Those who oppose our armed forces recruiters’ visits to schools and universities or otherwise interfere with their activities will not prevent us from waging the war we have no choice but to fight. They may, however, require us to do so with forces that are obliged to serve rather than those who do so freely.

The Bottom Line

Tell the American people the truth, Mr. President, and they will continue to provide the support we need to prevail for our children and grandchildren.